Friday, July 3, 2015

GETTING TO YES AND NO

If you come to a negotiation table saying you have the final truth and that it is final, you will get nothing. ~ Ham Holken 


So here we are at the precipice of both the US’s 239th birthday and one of the most confused, potentially-calamitous votes in recent history, the Greek referendum.
Our 4th of July offers much cause for celebration. US unemployment is now as low as it has been – 5.3% - since 2008, although wage growth continues to lag for many people. The Supreme Court said “yes” to re-validating the Affordable Care Act with the Chief Justice’s strong support, and to making same-sex marriage legal throughout the US. Finally, the US women’s team said “yes we can” and will play in the World Cup championship game against Japan on Sunday.
Unfortunately, Greek citizens are worlds away from celebrating; they are confronting "no." And they are suffering in the midst of an on-going economic tragedy of the first-order. Why; because the European Commission (EC), the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) [aka, the “Troika”] and the Greek government are getting to “no” in their mystifying negotiations regarding Greece’s outsized debt. Greece’s total public debt is 173% of its GDP; ranked 2nd in the world, behind Japan.
As many now know, Greece is a small nation of 11 million people (roughly the size of Paris, France), its GDP is ranked 53rd largest, $284 billion (PPP; which is about the same size as Missouri’s GDP), and its per capita income is ranked 67th, $25,800 (PPP) – a bit less than one-half of the US. Last year its GDP shrank by 25%, unemployment is 25.9% due in part to the economic policies mandated by Greece’s creditors. Simply put, Greece is a “demerging” nation.
Understandably, the Greeks aren’t at all interested in suffering any more or any longer, especially because of mistakes and misdeeds done by past governments. This reasonable reluctance was magnified after the “radical leftist” Syriza political party won the Greek national “snap” election in January and promised to end the imposition of “unilateral austerity” on Greece.
Greece owes its international creditors a great deal of money. Confusingly, there is a fairly broad range of estimates for what Greece owes the Troika; from €243 billion (B) to €323B. I’ve talked before about Greece’s dire problems and the possibility of Greece’s leaving the euro-zone, called the “Grexit.” Over the past 6 months, nothing positive has happened for Greece and there haven’t been any “happy trails” for its citizens to travel. Grexit now seems as real as ever.
Since January, the Greek government and the Troika have held endless and unproductive meetings where they’ve basically continued to talk past each other in an attempt to score political points. Greece’s Prime Minister, Alexis Tsipras, has managed to alienate virtually everyone at the bargaining table with his inconsistent, disparaging tactics. At the same time, Europe’s de-facto majordomo, Angela Merkel, the empress of austerity, and her EU cohorts seems incapable of appreciating the actual pain being suffered by Greek citizens (and in the recent past, of Spain, Portugal and Ireland) in the name of balanced budgets and illusory growth. Austerity hasn’t worked in Greece. It’s only provided pain and despair, not recovery or growth. But the Troika refuses to consider any other economic approach.
Unfortunately, the Greeks have been ill-served so far by their Prime Minister and his Finance Minister in their failed efforts to change the Troika’s unequivocal bargaining position – that more austerity is the only answer for the spend-thrift Greeks.
At this point, with Greece not paying the IMF its $1.7 billion that was due on June 30, negotiations broken off, and Greek banks and stock markets closed until further notice, the Greeks are attempting to live without cash or money. Unsurprisingly, it’s going badly, and will get worse. And it’s 2 days before a public referendum called by Mr Tsipras whose purpose is unclear, no matter whether a “yes” or “no” vote prevails. As one Athenian voter said, “No one is telling us about what it [the referendum] means.” More concerning, no public figure among the dozens involved with the negotiations seems to know how to resolve this crisis. As they say, “mistakes have been made by everyone.”
It’s a fantasy that politics won’t overwhelm economics here, but from an economic perspective several realities need to be acknowledged and addressed in order to get from “no” to “hopefully yes.” Both sides of the negotiations will need to modify their current truculent positions; they both need to blink when they come back to negotiating.
First, it’s practically impossible to imagine how Greece could effectively leave the euro and switch back to the lamented-but-not-really-missed drachma. The highly-devalued, new drachma would only increase the debt costs that Greece will be facing. The EC took more than 3 years to create and implement the euro in 1999. If Greece exits the euro, the government will have the nearly-impractical task of re-introducing the drachma as their currency ASAP, certainly within a month or so, and plunge into fiscal never-neverland. The EC knows this, as does Greece. This is a very pragmatic motivation for why Mr Tsipras hasn’t openly called for withdrawal from the euro-zone.
Second, Greece will not be able to pay off the entire €283B (splitting the sizeable difference between €243B and €323B) debt it now owes. Only the IMF seems to understand this now. The Troika will need to restructure their Greek debt, probably taking a “haircut,” as international financial institutions have done before – like in Argentina (2001), Greece (2012) and Cyprus (2013). I’d propose as much as a 25% haircut, where creditors eventually receive only 75% of what they’re owed – together with a 33% time extension for the reduced payments.
Third, in return for having the EU, ECB and IMF restructure its debts (say “thank you” Mr Tsipras), Greece must bite the structural reform bullets it’s been avoiding for too long and provide an explicit and unalterable implementation schedule.
Public sector employment should be cut 10% within the next 6 months, by privatizing publicly-owned businesses and reducing Greece’s notoriously-inefficient and distended bureaucracy. Greece has a somewhat high percentage of public workers in their total labor force; between 23% and 28% depending on who’s counting. But, according to some calculations Greece’s percentage is not as high as Italy’s, Germany’s or France’s; oh well. Pensions must be reduced 10%, except for those being provided to the lowest quintile of income recipients; the retirement age should be raised. Tax revenues must increase by 20% over the next 12 months by nabbing tax avoiders, drastically improving the porous tax collection system and raising taxes on the top 50% of income-earners. According to The Economist, 2 out of 3 Greek workers either understate their earnings or fail to disclose them. The “shadow/black economy” in Greece represents 24% of its GDP, the highest in Europe. This must change. If the agreed-to implementation reform schedule is missed by Greece, the debt restructuring is voided.
That’s my plan for having the Troika and Greece both blink to get past their deadlocked discussions, and I’m sticking to it until I hear from Alexis and Angela. This plan can provide a better chance for Greece’s economic improvement and keep it using the euro, no matter how its citizenry votes this Sunday. 

7/5/15 Postscript. Today the Greek polls are open and much of Europe and beyond is anxiously awaiting the results. Yesterday, the Greek finance minister was quoted as saying, “Europe won’t let Greece go under,” continuing Syriza’s unbending – and probably fictitious – expectation that Greece actually has quite a bit of leverage in its now-ended discussions with the Troika. Provocative to the core, he called the people supporting a Yes vote “terrorists.” A Greek citizen echoed this feeling by saying that today’s referendum vote is actually about “dignity,” not economics. If only. How much dignity, and IOUs, will buy your next plate of souvlaki in Athens? The polls quoted in this article say that the Yes vote holds a small (but not statistically significant) lead over the No vote being pushed by the government. Don’t believe any of these polls, given their recently dreadful predictive performance. Wait until tomorrow to find out what Greek voters actually decided in this ill-inspired referendum. 


7/6/15 Post-vote postscript.  What a difference a day or 2 might make.
The Greeks have decisively voted No in the July 5 referendum regarding their interest in accepting the European Commission’s (EC’s) now-withdrawn proposal to provide more austerity-based funding for Greece, in concert with the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Greek voters followed Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras’s endorsement of the No vote. This result wasn’t a surprise, despite media stories – probably planted by more conservative Greek or European organizations – about pre-vote polls showing the Yes vote was growing. It didn’t.
What will happen next is anyone’s guess.
Greece is barely keeping afloat in unknown financial seas. No Euro-zone nation has been in this situation before where its banks have no reserves or cash (it’s far worse than the 2013 Cyprus situation). So far, there have been no rescue offers from the ECB and there is barely any trust between the Mr Tsipras and his EC, ECB or IMF counterparts. Today’s announcement that Greek finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, has resigned is a potentially-positive sign at least in terms of how future negotiations can proceed. No more snide remarks about fiscal ‘terrorists” are expected now from the anxious Greek side of the table.  
But when the new, post-vote negotiations actually begin is an open and vital question. If they start after Wednesday July 8, the austerians remain firmly in control.
The more conservative, austerity-minded EC negotiators – including Germany and Finland – could simply decide to not meet with Greece until next week under the guise of having to formulate a new, unified, revised plan by the Troika after they receive a revised proposal from Greece. This would put huge, additional pressure on Greece and the ECB because it’s been the ECB that’s allowed the Greek banking system to stay in business, even with fairly stringent capital controls on customer withdraws and deposit transfers. The Greek banks said they would not open today – as they previously promised – and will remain closed through Wednesday. Without immediate new emergency funding from the ECB, Greek banks will be high and dry without cash. Bankruptcy would soon follow. More conciliatory members of the EC, like France, are urging negotiations to start tout suite, probably Tuesday.
Thus, the Troika’s announcement of when actual negotiations will again start will be a clear indicator of how serious it is in keeping Greece in the euro-zone. Mr Tsipras now has 61% of his citizens’ votes to back up his new proposals, but no money to keep Greece afloat. The Troika has this desperately-needed money. Hence the start date for the negotiations is critically important, both economically and politically.
If Ms Merkel and her fellow austerity-advocates refuse to revise their strategy, and not offer at least some sort of debt restructuring (that includes at least a “trim” if not a real haircut, as I suggested above), then they can simply have this happen by postponing the negotiations and telling the ECB not to provide any new financial support. Delaying the start of these negotiations and/or stringing them out will put Greece in the fiscal morgue outside of the euro-zone and possibly the EU.
I expect Ms Merkel’s being labeled the perpetrator of a Grexit is sufficiently ignominious for her that she’ll offer a small blink with a financial trim for Greece and propose to start new negotiations on Thursday, without providing new ECB funding until then. Mr Tsipras will also blink – he has every incentive to do so – and accept the fiscal trim (that he could claim as a small victory for being less than the Troika’s previous “haircut” offers) along with the provision of convincing, inviolable dates for needed reforms. Here’s hoping…