Sunday, April 25, 2021

BUILDING BACK GREENER, WITH CONSUMERS

The environment is everything that isn’t me. ~ Albert Einstein   

I began writing this blog on Earthursday, when President Joe Biden hosted a quickly-assembled, virtual, international “Climate Summit” as a precursor to the 2021 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26). COP26 will be co-hosted by the non-bunny-hugging UK as well as Italy in Glasgow, Scotland. Starting on Nov. 1, men in kilts and women in tartan skirts, will be at the epicenter of climate-change deliberations.

This Earth Day is the “golden” 50th time it has been observed. The first Earth Day – Apr. 22, 1970 – was initiated by then Senator Gaylord Nelson (D-WI). On that day I remember meeting with many other folks on a grassy field at Indiana University’s Bloomington campus, where I was a graduate student, to demand that we should better protect our Mother Earth.

Sen. Nelson’s enduring theme that day was, “We only have one earth, so we need to take care of her.” An estimated 20 million people attended those first Earth Day festivities. One consequence of this broad, grassroots support was that President Nixon signed into law a mere eight months later the Clean Air Act. Among other actions, this law authorized the newly-formed Environmental Protection Agency to safeguard and regulate our environment. Two years later he signed the complementary Clean Water Act.

On the 2021 Earth Day, Joe Biden stated the obvious about preserving our environment’s health, saying it’s the “existential crisis of our time.” He vowed “that this nation will reduce its emissions between 50% and 52% by 2030 compared with 2005 levels” and achieve net zero greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) by 2050. This goal is roughly twice as large a reduction in GHG than Obama set in 2015.

Some media outlets unfairly criticized Mr. Biden saying he has “yet to spell out” exactly how his administration plans on meeting its new, tougher environmental target. This spelling out will be vital, and already has been planned as part of the administration’s up-coming submissions to Congress and COP26. Environmental groups like Climate Action Tracker (CAT) decried that even these lower GHG limits will not keep global temperature from rising 1.5°C. Instead, CAT recommends lowering GHG at least 57% to 63% to avert the 1.5°C level of warming.

One recent analysis characterized the effects of a 51% reduction in GHG by 2030 would “trigger a nearly wholesale transformation of American society.” 2030 is a mere nine years away. My bet is a “nearly wholesale transformation” will take a lot longer than that, despite the president’s 2030 deadline. An even larger 63% reduction in GHG would be way beyond “wholesale transformation,” whatever that might mean.

Mr. Biden plans to succeed in attaining this more aggressive target “with the help of Congress and industry.” Really, Joe? You’ve forgotten someone important. What about us 300+million US consumers, who account for 70% of our GDP? We’re going to be absolutely necessary to “help” meet your tighter targets. Overlooking consumers is an alarming omission. He’s not alone in this troubling oversight, Michael Bloomberg stated at the Climate Summit “Cities and businesses hold the key to defeating climate change.” They may hold “a key”, but the final one is in the hands and wallets of consumers.

The president needs to realize without active consumer support he’ll have a colossally long “last-mile” problem. His administration is admirably tightening the overall environmental goals to reduce the pervasive effects of climate change. His plan will in part phase out fossil-fueled autos’ sales, exterminate coal-fired power plants, offer $100 billion more in electric vehicle (EV) incentives, and electrify the nation including its fleet of 480,000 school buses.

In any case, he’ll need a fair amount of good fortune for those and his many other actions to be triumphs. Without directly engaging consumers, the president’s nascent environmental efforts will never soar. Unfortunately, it’s the rare politician now who directly acknowledges these programs will necessitate big changes in individual consumer behavior. Consumers have yet to be mentioned by the president as stakeholders in achieving improved environmental quality. So far, it’s all about government and companies, who will supply products and services.

President Biden’s statements about climate change suffer from misemphasized supply-side thinking. Calling only on Congress and industry to help meet his new, aggressive GHG targets ignores directly engaging consumers to demand and buy new, environmentally-benign products and services. That’s a big mistake. Unless the president engages typical consumers like José and Sofia Rodriguez and Joe and Jane Cooper to literally buy into his build back better and greener programs, victory will be unattainable. Such a victory will be far easier when we consumers become an integral part of planning these programs.

Only offering larger, broader subsidies to encourage Jane or José to buy a new electric heat pump or EV, or start using public transit, is not likely to be sufficient.

Consumers’ increased purchasing of such items rests on a multi-dimensional process that includes social validation. Financial incentives are unidimensional, just dollars and cents. Despite years of significant subsidies, EV’s dismal market share (hovering around 2%), reflects the government’s failed attempt so far to push this environmentally-beneficial market. Only 1% of people heat their homes now with more expensive electric heat pumps.

Financial incentives for EVs and heat pumps can help, but they’re not likely to be enough for the US to achieve net zero GHG emissions by 2050. Studies show that even if EVs somehow account for 60% of new car sales by 2050, the majority of cars being driven would still be internal-combustion engine vehicles (ICE). Why? Improved light vehicle manufacturing has increased their effective lifetimes – from 10 to even 20 years – which reduces turnover. Our two cars are each more than a decade old; how old are yours? Other incentives such as ICE buy-back programs, despite their checkered effectiveness, would likely be needed for EV technology to have a strong effect on GHG emissions even two decades from now.

Multitudes of real-life consumers including you and me, not those imagined in most forecasting models, will need to change many of their ingrained, long-standing purchasing habits. New behaviors like acquiring/using smaller EVs, heating their residences not with natural gas but with costlier electricity (presumably from green-generated sources) and not using the vast array of petroleum-based consumer items including many cosmetics (like shampoo, body wash and lipstick). Without consumers accepting and actively supporting such changes, our impending cleaner, emission-less future on evergreen trails will be tough to hoe. Is significantly reducing GHG emissions possible without “needing” a recession? Hopefully yes, and consumers will be central in this enormous effort.

On a macro level GHG emissions are influenced by many factors, including total energy use and overall level of economic activity.

The red trendline in the above chart illustrates the inverse (negative) relationship between the annual change in US GHG and in the annual change in unemployment (one measure of macroeconomic activity). As the change in unemployment worsens (moving left along the horizontal access, meaning employment is rising), the change in GHG emissions increases (rising on the vertical axis). As more people are working (lowering unemployment) and the macroeconomic engine is revving up, emissions rise. Conversely, during the 2007-09 Great Recession, when unemployment more than doubled to 9.3%, GHG emissions dropped by 9.1%.

The same is true during the severe, covid-induced recession which began in February 2020. No EPA emissions data are available for 2020 yet. However, the Rhodium Group estimated GHG emissions fell by 10.3% in 2020 using preliminary data. A few environmentalists proclaimed this as a potential silver lining for the pandemic.[1] This is a lining we should all hope to avoid, despite somewhat bluer skies. Predictably, the International Energy Agency estimates that global GHG emissions will rise by almost 5% this year, as overall economic activity grows.

Consumers must play a key, acknowledged role in improving many facets of our environment. President Biden and his cohorts need to quickly recognize this and seize it as an opportunity, not an omission.

 



[1] The pandemic’s understandably tiny Silver Lining Department (SLD) also includes the emergence of tele-medicine as a potential means for doctors and other healthcare providers to better reach struggling people. Unfortunately, this exhibit from the SLD does not reckon that considerable numbers of “struggling people” probably don’t have decent, enabling internet connections. Perhaps the administration’s $100 billion plan to fix broadband internet access will help. 


 


Sunday, April 11, 2021

THE NEW DEAL AND NEWER ONES

I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people. ~ Franklin Delano Roosevelt [June 1917] 

How do FDR’s New Deal programs compare with Joe Biden’s? I’m glad Patrice asked this fascinating question. After a bit of data searching and discovery, my seven-word answer is: Joe is way, way ahead of Franklin. President Roosevelt's New Deal programs began in 1933. President Biden's programs began in 2021, a month after becoming President.  

The tables below offer a more specified answer based on President Biden’s $1.8T American Rescue Plan (ARP, his covid relief and stimulus program that Congress passed last month) together with his planned $2.3T American Jobs Plan (AJP, his broadly-defined infrastructure plan). The AJP is now being discussed across every political nanometer in DC, and in my latest blog. Here are several specific findings, assuming Congress does not change the president’s proposed AJP scope and/or expenditures, which is an unlikely prospect:

·         President Biden’s two big Plans’ spending totals $4.1 trillion which is over six (6) times as large as FDR’s New Deal programs’ spending, adjusted for inflation.

·         The ARP and AJP account for 19.4% of the 2020 GDP. The New Deal represented 45.3% of the 1930 GDP.

·         On a per capita basis, President Biden’s 2 plans embody spending $12,178 for every American. That’s more than twice as large as the New Deal programs.

And Joe has only begun his legislative expenditure efforts. With last week’s huge gift from the Congressional Parlimentarian, Joe and his Congressional buddies now can use the reconciliation process multiple times to overcome Repubs’ duplicitous obstinacy. Will the Dems’ fiscal tsunami accomplish their goals in a timely fashion? Perhaps, and success will require precise, accomplished implementation to minimize the inevitable, possibly nasty, unintended consequences. The size of these programs will necessitate prompt additions to many federal, state and local agencies’ staff and management. In March, the unemployment rate in the government sector was a minute 2.7%. That is likely to be just one of many challenges.

The first table provides some basic information. The second one uses this information to address the inquiry. The second table’s last row adds both the AJP and the ARP. It shows that so far – only 81 days into his presidency – Joe’s actual and planned expenditures total 2.3 times as much on a per capita basis as the value of FDRs New Deal programs’ expenditures (in 2020$). Wow. Unsurprisingly, the New Deal programs accounted for over twice as much of our GDP (45.3%) than Joe’s two programs probably will.

With only these 2 programs President Biden will be showering each of us, mostly indirectly, with $12,178 worth of expenditures during the coming years. Interestingly, economic historians couch the New Deal programs as lasting for 7 years. The AJP currently is planned for 8 years of efforts (at the end of his second presidential term?). 

Year

Real GDP (2012$)

Real GDP (2020$)

Population (M)

GDP/ capita

New Deal Programs

American Jobs Plan

Ameri can Rescue Plan

1930

$1,265B or $92B in 1930$

$1,426B

123.2

$9,002

$41.7B in 1930$

 

 

2020

$18,426 B

$20,771B [14.6x 1930]

331.0

$55,677 [6.2x 1930]

$646B in 2020$

$2.3T in 2021$ or $2,260B in 2020$

$1.8T in 2021$ or $1,771B in 2020$

 

Program

Expenditures (2020$)

% of GDP

Expenditure per capita

New Deal (1930)

$646B

In nominal 1930$: $41.7B/$92B = 45.3%

$41,700M/123.2M =$338 in 1930$ or $5,238 in 2020$

Amer. Jobs Plan [AJP] (2021)

$2,260B in 2020$. The AJP$ = 2.8x New Deal$

$2,260B/$20,771B = 10.8%, using 2020$

$2,260,000M/331.0M =$6,828 in 2020$

Amer. Rescue Plan [ARP] (2021)

$1,771B = The ARP$ = 2.7x New Deal$ in 2021$

$1,771B/$20,771B = 8.5%, using 2020$

$1,771,000M/331.0M = $5,350 in 2020$

BOTH AJP & ARP

$4,100 B in 2021$.

$4,031B in 2020$ and 6.2x larger than New Deal$

$4,031B/$20,771B = 19.4%

$4,031,000M/331.0M = $12,178 in 2020$ or 2.3x more than New Deal$

 




 

Wednesday, April 7, 2021

THINKING OUTSIDE THE BRIDGE

You and I come by road or rail, but economists travel by infrastructure. ~ Margret Thatcher  

The president’s next legislative project for improving our nation offers a cornucopia of infrastructure improvements. Pretty exciting? Maybe.

Joe Biden’s American Jobs Plan (Plan) is expansively thinking way outside the bridge as far as defining “infrastructure.” Everything from soup (more nutritious K-12 school meals) to beyond nuts (that together with bolts and rivets fasten girders on bridges and in new electric-car battery manufacturing plants) is included.

President Biden and Congressional Dems want to significantly enlarge what’s considered infrastructure. In the modern world of today and tomorrow, they view infrastructure as no longer just bridges and roads, shown below.

 

Traditional infrastructure

 

New infrastructure

 The Plan will fund, construct and improve much more: high-speed broadband for rural areas, electric vehicles, shown above (including 20% of all the nation’s school buses), high-voltage transmission lines, extend Medicaid, public transit systems, sustainable and affordable housing for low-income folks, upgrade and build K-12 school buildings, home and community-based care for the elderly and disabled, clean energy research & development, expand domestic semiconductor manufacturing, workforce development (e.g., training), new community college facilities and replace hazardous lead water pipes to homes.

The president has characterized his Plan as “the largest American jobs investment since World War Two” that will “empower workers” and create jobs with “fair and equal pay.” Dems are very pleased with this depiction, given their long-standing and until this past January 20th thwarted interest in expanding higher-wage (union) jobs for a flourishing American workforce.

This Plan is certainly sizable; 20% bigger than the president’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package that Congress passed last month. The Plan’s expenditures sum to a gigantic $2,300,000,000,000 outlay over eight (8) years, which defies ready comprehension.

Another way to consider such huge dollar expenditures is to think about their weight. The actual weight of $2.3 trillion (T) George Washington dollar bills is an impressive 2.53 million tons. The displacement (weight) of the Ever Given, the giant container ship that recently blocked the Suez Canal, is 293,078 tons. It is almost three (3) times larger than our biggest aircraft carrier. The weight of $2.3T Georges thus equals 8 ⅔ Ever Givens, which could carry 133,400 containers (each stuffed with over 1.7 million Georges). This Plan indeed is a hefty load of money, and infrastructure.

Predictably, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and other progressive Dems have demanded even more spending to boost jobs than the president’s already-massive Plan proposes. They fantasize $10T might be appropriate, a sum that itself represents more than two times the entire federal government’s 2020 total budget.

Senator Mitch McConnell and his Repub colleagues are definitely not pleased with the Plan. Principally because the president wants to partially fund it by raising corporate and wealthy people’s taxes. Bipartisanship has now been tossed under the bridge into the canyon of forgotten phrases. The Repubs’ expressed, new-found belief that infrastructure only refers to large, solid things made out of concrete and steel – highways, bridges and water-treatment plants – has been labelled modern-day Luddism by critics.[1]

Fortunately for the Dems, the Repubs have yet to discover any opposition talking-points to the Plan that the public actually cares about. Do you think many voters oppose raising taxes on already-rich, big corporations and wealthy fat cats? Hardly. Republican politicians oppose these tax increases, but very few voters do.

The president’s infrastructure plan enjoys very broad, bipartisan support. In one poll 85% of voters overall, and 82% of Republicans, agree that “America is in need of an infrastructure improvement.” In the past ever-duplicitous Repubs have supported several elements of President Biden’s Plan as worthy of infrastructure spending that they now oppose.

The Dems got a giant legislative booster jab for their Plan on Apr 5 when the Senate Parlimentarian ruled in their favor, allowing them to use the reconciliation process yet again. All the Dems have to do is convince each and every of their Senate members to vote “yea” for the Plan, and have Vice President Harris bring it home for President Biden to sign.

That could take some doing, especially when moderate Sen. Joe Manchin has already voiced some “concerns” about the Plan. Specifically, he does not want to raise the corporate tax rate to 28% from the Trump tax bill reduction of 21% in 2018. Instead, Manchin said he and “six or seven” other Senate Dems want the new, revised top rate not to exceed 25%, to stay competitive in world commerce. Your play, Mr. President. We’ll soon see how open Joe Biden is to compromise, as he’s already stated.

Negotiations behind closed Congressional doors undoubtedly will continue on multiple infrastructure topics. That may take some time. It’s worth remembering that it required several months for the Dems to pass their covid relief legislation using the reconciliation process.

No matter how the American Jobs Plan ends up, it’s certain the public idea of infrastructure will be changed. The guardrails along concrete and steel infrastructure have been removed. This can be beneficial, given that the majority of our macroeconomy’s undertakings are no longer traditional industrial activities, but services that don't require concrete.

How our economy can effectively absorb several additional trillion dollars of government-directed expenditures remains an open question. Primary apprehensions include

(1) Not to count the Easter chicks after they’ve hatched, but with public expectations high, how successfully this huge, multi-faceted Plan is implemented will make all the difference. Especially before Tuesday, Nov 8, 2022.

(2) How productively can this plethora of funds be managed by federal agencies? This is the third wave of stimulus moneys to be authorized by the federal government. Infrastructure expenditures are notoriously slow to start. Bridges and EV charging stations cannot be mailed to taxpayers like stimulus checks.  Developing cogent rules and regulations for this spending is both necessary and time-consuming. I’ve yet to see any emphasis on prioritizing “shovel-ready” projects (whether they actually use shovels or not). The Biden administration has no more than 19 months from today – election day – to make a visibly positive contribution to the public’s overall well-being.

(3) Some economists have expressed worries that this additional government borrowing may strengthen inflationary pressures. The interest rate on 10-year Treasury bonds has risen 85% since last October to 1.73% this week, in part reflecting the increased amount of the government’s planned deficit financing and rising inflationary expectations.

Here’s hoping the president’s infrastructure Plan achieves many of its stated goals and does not suffer too much from the various, inevitable unintended consequences.



[1] Luddites were a secret organization of English textile workers in the early 19th century who ransacked textile mills and destroyed new machinery, like mechanized looms and shearing equipment, which they said were being used in "a fraudulent and deceitful manner."