The art of simplicity is a puzzle of complexity. ~ Douglas Horton
As many of us now remember the federal
government’s minimum wage is $7.25 per hour, which works out to be about $15,000
per year. It has not been changed since 2009, despite Congressional Democrats’ past
efforts. All told, the federal government has raised the minimum wage 22 times
since 1938, when Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Fair Labor Standards Act that
first created a minimum wage at $0.25/hr for workers. In today’s dollars, the
original minimum wage is $4.64/hr. Democrats have raised the minimum wage 20
times when they held Congressional majorities.
Twenty-nine states now have
minimum wages higher than the federal wage. Five states in the South have no
minimum wage, which means their covered workers earn the federal minimum wage. This
year, the state with the highest minimum wage is California’s at $14.00/hr, for
firms with 26 or more employees. Next year, the Golden State’s minimum wage
will be $15.00/hr for these firms, the magic number for Progressives.
According to the Bureau of Labor
Statistics, workers in the US who earn the federal minimum wage or less
represent 1.5% of all hourly-paid workers or 0.68% of the entire labor force in
2020. Despite their slender (and decreasing) share of the labor force, these
minimum-wage workers will meaningfully benefit from a higher minimum wage.
Ever since 2012 this benefit has
been the focal point of the “Fight for $15” labor movement which began when fast-food
workers assembled outside a New York City McDonalds to demand better pay.
They’ve succeeded in the Big Apple, but not beyond. Since 2019, the New York
City minimum wage has been $15/hr.
This key benefit, backed by a key Dem
constituency, labor unions, is why the Dems decided to raise the federal
minimum wage to $9.50/hr immediately (and to $15/hr over four years) as part of
President Biden’s $1.9 trillion Covid relief legislation.
The House passed this legislation
on February 27, with a slim seven-vote majority; two House Dems voted against
the bill. Because the Senate Dems at best have only 51 votes (counting VP
Kamala Harris), they need to use the Senate’s very peculiar reconciliation
process to pass this legislation. This process only applies to legislation that
directly involves budgetary taxing and spending matters.
After being prompted last week by
the Repubs, the non-partisan Senate parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, determined if the Dems’ bill could proceed under the reconciliation process’ rules. As
parliamentarian, Ms. MacDonough advises the Senate Majority Leader, Chuck
Schumer, as the referee when the Senate Dems and Repubs play their legislative
games.
She determined that the minimum
wage increase portion of the Dems’ bill did not abide by the Byrd Rule and thus
cannot be part of the reconciliation process. The Senate’s reconciliation
process and Byrd Rule are so opaque and seemingly quixotic that mere
(non-political) mortals cannot hope to understand exactly how they work.
The Byrd Rule restricts
legislative provisions, apparently like the minimum wage hike, because they do
not directly produce a change in expenditures or tax revenues. After the
parliamentarian’s decision, the Dems could still try to pass a wage hike, but
that would require 60 Senate votes, which they don’t have because of a lack of
any Republican support. Realistically, Sen. Chuck Schumer undoubtedly knew that
adding the minimum wage increase would be a stretch for passing this bill via
reconciliation. But he wisely never said so publicly before Ms. MacDonough’s
decision.
The Progs, especially in the
House, are beside themselves about the parliamentarian’s decision. They have
called for her firing and for the Senate to overrule her decision. The Progs sturdily
walked the $15/hr plank in the House bill and want misplaced retribution paid
for its demise in the Senate. That will not happen.
The Progs’ verbal fury is purely
for public consumption not action, for two reasons. First, under Nancy
Pelosi’s leadership, the Dems already enjoy their needed, simple-majority
control to pass bills in the House. House bills are not subject to the Senate’s
filibuster process, which requires super-majority (60 votes) for passage of
“regular order” bills. Second, Majority Leader Pelosi has already stated the
House will agree to the Senate’s bill without the minimum wage increase, if
needed, during the bill’s conference committee. She realizes, as the Progs
apparently don’t, that the other, substantial parts that remain in the Covid
relief legislation will provide important benefits for everyone, including
hourly workers.
But Dem Senators haven’t given up
the $15/hr fight yet. Senators Ron Wyden and Bernie Sanders have proposed a contorted,
substitute measure that would create a 5% tax/penalty on payrolls of large
corporations, if any of the companies’ workers are paid less than a $15/hr
wage. This penalty would increase over time, if the firm continued to under-pay
its workers. Sen. Wyden said this alternative plan would provide “safeguards”
to prevent the firms from contracting out these workers, the Uber anathema
despised by Dems. He also mentioned that as part of the plan, very small
businesses who have middle-class owners would receive an income tax credit to
cover 25%of their employees’ wages, up to $10,000 per year per employer, in an
effort to incentivize higher pay at those businesses. But, if Sen. Schumer were
to push for inclusion of the Wyden/Sanders tax in the Covid relief bill, it
would take more time to pass the entire legislation, probably beyond mid-March
when the current supplemental unemployment benefits will expire.
Also, to implement this convoluted,
almost Goldbergian proposal would require the already-underfunded and
over-committed IRS to gather and process a profusion of additional data from
thousands of businesses and their owners. This would certainly be more complex
and less efficient than mandating a phased-in $15/hr minimum wage for all
hourly employees in the nation.
A Rube Goldberg machine, similar to the
Wyden-Sanders tax.
This tax would apply solely to the
largest corporations. Many low-wage workers work at small businesses. The two
largest industries that employ minimum-wage workers are the education and
health services and wholesale and retail trade industries. These industries
include many lesser-sized businesses and public entities that would not be
subject to this possible tax. Finally, if this proposal were to become part of
the current Covid relief legislation, such a new tax would likely lose the
votes of Sen. Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Sen. Krysten Sinema (D-AZ) in addition
to each and every Repub, meaning the Covid relief bill would not pass the
Senate under reconciliation.
The Progs should stop being so
thin-skinned about their favorite piece of the Dems’ Covid relief bill, be creative by temporarily
folding up their $15 plank, and appreciate that 7/8’s of the bill will soon become
law of the land. The Dems should take a deep breath or two and wait to incorporate
their $15/hr minimum-wage leap as an adder to a “must-pass” appropriations
bill, say for the Defense Department. Such bills already would have nominally
strong Repub support that the Dems could leverage to have their wage increase
more likely become actual law. By being a bit more patient and less truculent,
the Dems’ goal of walking the $15 plank can be successful.
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