Showing posts with label President Biden. Show all posts
Showing posts with label President Biden. Show all posts

Thursday, June 23, 2022

A TALE OF TWO elastiCITIES

It was the best of times, the worst of times. ~ Charles Dickens  

Charles Dickens wrote A Tale of Two Cities in 1859 in the later part of his literary career. Dickens was already an admired, well-known author when wrote this book. I read A Tale of Two Cities long ago, together with many other high school-age Boomers. So long ago I hardly remember the book’s plot and characters. Nevertheless, the book still has relevance. 

Dickens’ judgements of Victorian society were represented in his tale. He sympathized with the revolution’s overthrow of France’s imperious aristocracy but disparaged the subsequent reign of terror. Fortunately today we have no broad reign of terror, except perhaps in the divergent eyes of radical leftists and rightists. Views of our aristocracy are similarly conflicted depending on which side of the political spectrum one inhabits.

No matter what your political beliefs are, our continuing excessive inflation has effectively emptied many people’s pockets. Inflation-adjusted weekly earnings for employees decreased 3.9% during the year ending in May. Investors have suffered more; the stock market is now in bear territory. The S&P 500 has dropped 13.3% during the past 12 months and 30.5% since Jan. 3. Pop goes the market.

 

A grizzly bear alarming intrepid investors.

Explaining who and/or what is responsible for our growing macroeconomic predicament is a challenge. President Biden’s attempts to blame Czar (er, Russian President) Vladimir Putin are valid, but not the whole story.

Anyone younger than 40 years old has never lived with inflation as high as it now is at 8.6%[1]. The average yearly inflation rate during the Millennial generation – the oldest of whom are now 41 years – was 4.1%. For Gen Zers –  the oldest are now 25 years – the average inflation rate was 2.4%. Although both these averages are greater than the Fed’s 2% target inflation rate that was officially set a decade ago, they are much lower than today’s inflation rate.

In 1981 we suffered from 10.3% inflation, principally due to the after-effects of the Iranian Revolution and resulting world Oil Shock, too-robust government spending and a swirling wage-price spiral. The Federal Funds Rate (FFR), our key baseline interest rate that the Federal Reserve sets, was 21% in 1981, which is more than 10x higher than the current FFR.

Starting in the early 1980s, this four-decade long period of historically low inflation has both been truly remarkable and uncommon. It has now ended.

Once again, dramatic energy price rises, initiated last month when the 27 European Union nations proclaimed they will be cutting much of their petroleum and natural gas from Russia, have enlarged macroeconomic inflationary pressures facing us consumers, shown in the table below. The giant increases in energy prices are notable. By themselves, gasoline prices have increased an astronomical 48.7%. The price of any kind of vehicle has also risen dramatically.

Consumer Price Index for All Urban Customers (CPI-U)

Annual Price Increase ending May 2022

All Items

8.6%

Food at Home

11.9%

Energy (incl. gasoline, electricity & natural gas)

34.6%

New Vehicles

12.6%

Used Cars & Trucks

16.2%

   The US government’s $5 trillion of covid-induced stimulus checks, business support and funding to state and local governments have increased consumer demand for many goods and services that have been stymied by supply-chain snafus.[2] When overall consumer demand increases relative to available supply, inflation results. Despite being clearly needed and useful, there’s little doubt such government funding has contributed to the economy’s inflationary pressures.

Elasticity is one analysis tool that microeconomists use to judge how much customer demand changes as a consequence of a good’s price changes. If a relatively small percentage increase in a good’s price causes consumers to buy disproportionately much less of that good, its price elasticity of demand (PED) is said to be elastic; numerically the elasticity is greater than 1.0. Conversely, if a good’s price increases by a relatively large percentage but consumers’ demand doesn’t change much, this good’s PED is said to be inelastic, and less than 1.0.

Factors that influence a good’s PED include whether it is a necessity or a luxury; whether it has close substitutes; what proportion of a person’s income is spent on this good; and how much time has passed since the price changed. If a good has no close substitutes, doesn’t account for a large proportion of people’s expenditures and the price change has been recent, then that good’s price elasticity is likely to be numerically low, termed inelastic. A good that has price inelastic demand is not that sensitive to price changes.

Let me tell a tale of two goods’ elasticities that have particular relevance for our existing situation: gasoline and food.

Gasoline’s PED is quite inelastic; calculated to be -0.26, which means if the price of gasoline increases 10%, consumers’ demand for gasoline will decline 2.6%, much less than the price increase. This calculation is unsurprising given that until very recently there have been no substitutes at all for gasoline if you drive a car. Gasoline remains an absolute necessity for the 97% of us car-owners who don’t drive EVs. As I mentioned above, gasoline prices have risen nearly 50% since May 2021, which means that car drivers’ demand for gasoline could drop by only 13%, given its PED. One of several conflicting factors that could lessen this drop includes that it’s now officially summer vacation time when folks who’ve been cooped up for months due to covid want to travel “on the road.”

Gasoline demand’s very low price elasticity also means that President Biden’s request to temporarily eliminate the 18.3¢/gal. federal gas tax won’t have much if any effect. His proposed 3-month gas tax holiday will likely have about as much impact on the US gasoline market as his release of millions of gallons of oil from the Strategic Oil Reserve did several months ago; which is to say minimal. But these actions demonstrate Joe’s at least trying to reduce inflation; perhaps more than his previous, bizarre statement that his bipartisan infrastructure program will diminish inflation. Don’t hold your breath, infrastructure expenditures’ effects move at the tortoise-like speed of concrete.

A gas tax holiday is a strictly performative, smoke and mirrors action that would effect no significant inflationary relief. In addition, it will cut the already-stretched Highway Trust Fund of needed infrastructure money. I expect the impact of a transitory removal of the federal gas will mostly be visual, showing a small price reduction on the giant price signs at gas stations across the nation.[3]

This is especially true if you live in California, as I do. On July 1st, our state’s gas tax, which has a built-in yearly CPI adjustment, will increase to a monumental 53.9¢/gal., the highest in the US. My closest gas station is currently selling regular at $6.39/gal. If only it were a mere $5/gal. like the media constantly reminds everyone.

It’s fortunate that Congress will unlikely go along with the president’s proposed tax holiday, for political not substantive reasons. But if enacted, I and the other 39 million Golden Staters would see only a 2.8% reduction in our gas price that could result in a miniscule 0.8% increase in the demand for gasoline given its inelastic PED. Even this slender price break has been understandably and vociferously opposed by environmentalists and most economists as the wrong way to “get to green,” despite its ephemeral value for the inflation-fighting president. In sum, due to gasoline’s price inelastic demand Joe should not press Congress to add another federal holiday.

Let’s now examine a second good’s price elasticity of demand. Food is in an elite class of items because it is absolutely required by all living creatures to sustain life, like air and water for those of us who live on more or less solid ground. As a necessity, food’s PED is quite inelastic, meaning the amount of food we consume is not much influenced by price changes. And as you’ve already noticed, food prices have risen. The price of food we buy for home consumption at grocery stores has increased 12% during the past year.

There are many different kinds of food, as anyone who walks the isles of a grocery knows. The average grocery store apparently carries an astonishing 40,00 individual items, which means there’s not just a single price elasticity for food. Price elasticities are calculated for specific food types.

Fortunately, thoughtful microeconomists have been busy for decades estimating the price elasticity of demand for many food types. One meta-assessment of food type elasticities reviewed 160 individual studies. Soft drinks, the most-often purchased item in groceries, have an inelastic PED of -0.79. The food item with the greatest price inelasticity (the numerically lowest numeric value) is eggs at -0.27. The PED of milk, the second most purchased food item, is a bit less inelastic than eggs at -0.59; meaning a 10% milk price increase could reduce milk purchases by 5.9%. Our grocery store offers a stultifying choice between 37 different types of “milk:” everything from 7 versions of good ol’ animal milk (in 4 different fat concentrations: whole, 2%, 1% or 0%) and 2 different sources (cows and goats) to 30 versions of plant-based milks (almond, coconut, oat and soy).

This tale of two inelastic elasticities - food and gasoline - has illustrated the president’s weak and limited policy options to reduce inflationary pressures. However, these elasticities have far less direct consequence for the Federal Reserve’s efforts to cut inflation. That’s because Fed anti-inflation policy focuses more narrowly on increasing the price of money (hiking loans’ interest rates) to reduce aggregate demand.

Last week the Fed finally increased the Federal Funds Rate by a whopping three-quarters of a percentage point to 1.75%, the biggest hike since 1994. This increase will raise the cost of consumer and business loans that the Fed hopes will eventually reduce demand for big-ticket items like appliances, cars, homes and business expansions. The Fed’s action, along with its sale of some of the $8.5 trillion corporate bonds it has amassed, will reduce or tighten the US money supply. The risks associated with the Fed’s delayed, aggressive tightening our money supply include eventually pushing the nation into a recession, with higher unemployment and reduced GDP growth.

The Fed chairperson Jerome Powell and his 20,000 employees remain cautiously optimistic that its efforts will reduce inflation to its 2% target without causing a hard-landing recessionary downturn. The Fed’s record in this arena is problematic.

Since 1955 during 7 previous inflationary cycles when the Fed has increased the FFR as fast as it’s now doing, a recession has followed in 6 of them. Six out of 7 means the Fed’s Recessionary Batting Average (RBA) is regrettably an economic Hall of Fame high of .857. Looking even farther in the past, the Fed has managed to reduce inflation without wounding growth only 3 times since 1945.

Will 2022-23 demonstrate a rare, successful economic soft landing for the Fed’s anti-inflation efforts that reduce its all-too high RBA? We can help by embracing the Fed’s efforts by somehow believing in an edited version of Dickens famous book’s incipit, “it is an age of wisdom and a season of light.” The benefits of such an embrace can go far beyond softly taming inflation.

 



[1] As measured by the Consumer Price Index for all urban consumers (CPI-U).

[2] Snafu is an acronym that stands for situation normal, all fucked up. It was born in the beginning of WWII by Marines as a satirical expression of what they all too often faced on a day to day basis.

[3] Interestingly, these ubiquitous signs are not required by federal or state regulation. Nope, it’s drivers like you and me who in effect require those signs, born from decades of tradition that gas station operators accede to. 



Sunday, April 11, 2021

THE NEW DEAL AND NEWER ONES

I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people. ~ Franklin Delano Roosevelt [June 1917] 

How do FDR’s New Deal programs compare with Joe Biden’s? I’m glad Patrice asked this fascinating question. After a bit of data searching and discovery, my seven-word answer is: Joe is way, way ahead of Franklin. President Roosevelt's New Deal programs began in 1933. President Biden's programs began in 2021, a month after becoming President.  

The tables below offer a more specified answer based on President Biden’s $1.8T American Rescue Plan (ARP, his covid relief and stimulus program that Congress passed last month) together with his planned $2.3T American Jobs Plan (AJP, his broadly-defined infrastructure plan). The AJP is now being discussed across every political nanometer in DC, and in my latest blog. Here are several specific findings, assuming Congress does not change the president’s proposed AJP scope and/or expenditures, which is an unlikely prospect:

·         President Biden’s two big Plans’ spending totals $4.1 trillion which is over six (6) times as large as FDR’s New Deal programs’ spending, adjusted for inflation.

·         The ARP and AJP account for 19.4% of the 2020 GDP. The New Deal represented 45.3% of the 1930 GDP.

·         On a per capita basis, President Biden’s 2 plans embody spending $12,178 for every American. That’s more than twice as large as the New Deal programs.

And Joe has only begun his legislative expenditure efforts. With last week’s huge gift from the Congressional Parlimentarian, Joe and his Congressional buddies now can use the reconciliation process multiple times to overcome Repubs’ duplicitous obstinacy. Will the Dems’ fiscal tsunami accomplish their goals in a timely fashion? Perhaps, and success will require precise, accomplished implementation to minimize the inevitable, possibly nasty, unintended consequences. The size of these programs will necessitate prompt additions to many federal, state and local agencies’ staff and management. In March, the unemployment rate in the government sector was a minute 2.7%. That is likely to be just one of many challenges.

The first table provides some basic information. The second one uses this information to address the inquiry. The second table’s last row adds both the AJP and the ARP. It shows that so far – only 81 days into his presidency – Joe’s actual and planned expenditures total 2.3 times as much on a per capita basis as the value of FDRs New Deal programs’ expenditures (in 2020$). Wow. Unsurprisingly, the New Deal programs accounted for over twice as much of our GDP (45.3%) than Joe’s two programs probably will.

With only these 2 programs President Biden will be showering each of us, mostly indirectly, with $12,178 worth of expenditures during the coming years. Interestingly, economic historians couch the New Deal programs as lasting for 7 years. The AJP currently is planned for 8 years of efforts (at the end of his second presidential term?). 

Year

Real GDP (2012$)

Real GDP (2020$)

Population (M)

GDP/ capita

New Deal Programs

American Jobs Plan

Ameri can Rescue Plan

1930

$1,265B or $92B in 1930$

$1,426B

123.2

$9,002

$41.7B in 1930$

 

 

2020

$18,426 B

$20,771B [14.6x 1930]

331.0

$55,677 [6.2x 1930]

$646B in 2020$

$2.3T in 2021$ or $2,260B in 2020$

$1.8T in 2021$ or $1,771B in 2020$

 

Program

Expenditures (2020$)

% of GDP

Expenditure per capita

New Deal (1930)

$646B

In nominal 1930$: $41.7B/$92B = 45.3%

$41,700M/123.2M =$338 in 1930$ or $5,238 in 2020$

Amer. Jobs Plan [AJP] (2021)

$2,260B in 2020$. The AJP$ = 2.8x New Deal$

$2,260B/$20,771B = 10.8%, using 2020$

$2,260,000M/331.0M =$6,828 in 2020$

Amer. Rescue Plan [ARP] (2021)

$1,771B = The ARP$ = 2.7x New Deal$ in 2021$

$1,771B/$20,771B = 8.5%, using 2020$

$1,771,000M/331.0M = $5,350 in 2020$

BOTH AJP & ARP

$4,100 B in 2021$.

$4,031B in 2020$ and 6.2x larger than New Deal$

$4,031B/$20,771B = 19.4%

$4,031,000M/331.0M = $12,178 in 2020$ or 2.3x more than New Deal$

 




 

Wednesday, April 7, 2021

THINKING OUTSIDE THE BRIDGE

You and I come by road or rail, but economists travel by infrastructure. ~ Margret Thatcher  

The president’s next legislative project for improving our nation offers a cornucopia of infrastructure improvements. Pretty exciting? Maybe.

Joe Biden’s American Jobs Plan (Plan) is expansively thinking way outside the bridge as far as defining “infrastructure.” Everything from soup (more nutritious K-12 school meals) to beyond nuts (that together with bolts and rivets fasten girders on bridges and in new electric-car battery manufacturing plants) is included.

President Biden and Congressional Dems want to significantly enlarge what’s considered infrastructure. In the modern world of today and tomorrow, they view infrastructure as no longer just bridges and roads, shown below.

 

Traditional infrastructure

 

New infrastructure

 The Plan will fund, construct and improve much more: high-speed broadband for rural areas, electric vehicles, shown above (including 20% of all the nation’s school buses), high-voltage transmission lines, extend Medicaid, public transit systems, sustainable and affordable housing for low-income folks, upgrade and build K-12 school buildings, home and community-based care for the elderly and disabled, clean energy research & development, expand domestic semiconductor manufacturing, workforce development (e.g., training), new community college facilities and replace hazardous lead water pipes to homes.

The president has characterized his Plan as “the largest American jobs investment since World War Two” that will “empower workers” and create jobs with “fair and equal pay.” Dems are very pleased with this depiction, given their long-standing and until this past January 20th thwarted interest in expanding higher-wage (union) jobs for a flourishing American workforce.

This Plan is certainly sizable; 20% bigger than the president’s $1.9 trillion stimulus package that Congress passed last month. The Plan’s expenditures sum to a gigantic $2,300,000,000,000 outlay over eight (8) years, which defies ready comprehension.

Another way to consider such huge dollar expenditures is to think about their weight. The actual weight of $2.3 trillion (T) George Washington dollar bills is an impressive 2.53 million tons. The displacement (weight) of the Ever Given, the giant container ship that recently blocked the Suez Canal, is 293,078 tons. It is almost three (3) times larger than our biggest aircraft carrier. The weight of $2.3T Georges thus equals 8 ⅔ Ever Givens, which could carry 133,400 containers (each stuffed with over 1.7 million Georges). This Plan indeed is a hefty load of money, and infrastructure.

Predictably, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and other progressive Dems have demanded even more spending to boost jobs than the president’s already-massive Plan proposes. They fantasize $10T might be appropriate, a sum that itself represents more than two times the entire federal government’s 2020 total budget.

Senator Mitch McConnell and his Repub colleagues are definitely not pleased with the Plan. Principally because the president wants to partially fund it by raising corporate and wealthy people’s taxes. Bipartisanship has now been tossed under the bridge into the canyon of forgotten phrases. The Repubs’ expressed, new-found belief that infrastructure only refers to large, solid things made out of concrete and steel – highways, bridges and water-treatment plants – has been labelled modern-day Luddism by critics.[1]

Fortunately for the Dems, the Repubs have yet to discover any opposition talking-points to the Plan that the public actually cares about. Do you think many voters oppose raising taxes on already-rich, big corporations and wealthy fat cats? Hardly. Republican politicians oppose these tax increases, but very few voters do.

The president’s infrastructure plan enjoys very broad, bipartisan support. In one poll 85% of voters overall, and 82% of Republicans, agree that “America is in need of an infrastructure improvement.” In the past ever-duplicitous Repubs have supported several elements of President Biden’s Plan as worthy of infrastructure spending that they now oppose.

The Dems got a giant legislative booster jab for their Plan on Apr 5 when the Senate Parlimentarian ruled in their favor, allowing them to use the reconciliation process yet again. All the Dems have to do is convince each and every of their Senate members to vote “yea” for the Plan, and have Vice President Harris bring it home for President Biden to sign.

That could take some doing, especially when moderate Sen. Joe Manchin has already voiced some “concerns” about the Plan. Specifically, he does not want to raise the corporate tax rate to 28% from the Trump tax bill reduction of 21% in 2018. Instead, Manchin said he and “six or seven” other Senate Dems want the new, revised top rate not to exceed 25%, to stay competitive in world commerce. Your play, Mr. President. We’ll soon see how open Joe Biden is to compromise, as he’s already stated.

Negotiations behind closed Congressional doors undoubtedly will continue on multiple infrastructure topics. That may take some time. It’s worth remembering that it required several months for the Dems to pass their covid relief legislation using the reconciliation process.

No matter how the American Jobs Plan ends up, it’s certain the public idea of infrastructure will be changed. The guardrails along concrete and steel infrastructure have been removed. This can be beneficial, given that the majority of our macroeconomy’s undertakings are no longer traditional industrial activities, but services that don't require concrete.

How our economy can effectively absorb several additional trillion dollars of government-directed expenditures remains an open question. Primary apprehensions include

(1) Not to count the Easter chicks after they’ve hatched, but with public expectations high, how successfully this huge, multi-faceted Plan is implemented will make all the difference. Especially before Tuesday, Nov 8, 2022.

(2) How productively can this plethora of funds be managed by federal agencies? This is the third wave of stimulus moneys to be authorized by the federal government. Infrastructure expenditures are notoriously slow to start. Bridges and EV charging stations cannot be mailed to taxpayers like stimulus checks.  Developing cogent rules and regulations for this spending is both necessary and time-consuming. I’ve yet to see any emphasis on prioritizing “shovel-ready” projects (whether they actually use shovels or not). The Biden administration has no more than 19 months from today – election day – to make a visibly positive contribution to the public’s overall well-being.

(3) Some economists have expressed worries that this additional government borrowing may strengthen inflationary pressures. The interest rate on 10-year Treasury bonds has risen 85% since last October to 1.73% this week, in part reflecting the increased amount of the government’s planned deficit financing and rising inflationary expectations.

Here’s hoping the president’s infrastructure Plan achieves many of its stated goals and does not suffer too much from the various, inevitable unintended consequences.



[1] Luddites were a secret organization of English textile workers in the early 19th century who ransacked textile mills and destroyed new machinery, like mechanized looms and shearing equipment, which they said were being used in "a fraudulent and deceitful manner."